Meydadka 3 ruux oo Ciidamada Itoobiyaanku ay gowraceen oo Mid ka mid ah uu yahay shaqaale katirsanaa shirkada warbaahinta HornAfrik ayaa maanta laga soo qaaday agagaarka Garoonka kubadda cagta ee stadium Muqdisho halkaasi fariisin u ah Ciidamada itoobiyaanka.
Maxamed Xuseen Jaamac oo ka mid ahaa shaqaalaha shirkada warbaahinta HornAfrik oo ay shalay guri ka soo horjeeda Idaacada ay kala baxeen Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ayaa maanta laga soo qaaday nawaaxiga garoonka Ciyaaraha ee stadium Muqdisho kadib markii ay bireeyeen Ciidamada itoobiyaanka deetana ay maanta eheladiisa u sheegeen in ay soo doontaan.
Labo ruux oo kale oo rayid ah ayaa waxaa iyana laga soo qaaday garoonka ciyaaraha kuwaas oo maalinimadii shalay Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ay toogteen deetana ay u qaateen dhinaca garoonkaasi.
Meydadka sadaxdaan ruux oo uu ka mid ahaa shaqaale katirsanaa Idcaadada HornAfrik ayaa waxaa ka muuqday rasaas iyo tooreeyay qoorta looga bireeyay taasoo ay dadka deegaanka aad uga agagaxeen.
Maxamed Xuseen oo ka mid ah ilaalada qaaska ah ee shirkada warbaahinta HornAfrik ayaa la waayay kadib markii dagaalkii shalay ka dhacay deegaanka gubta uu saameyn wayn ku yeeshay shirkada warbaahinta HornAfrik oo deegaankaasi ku taala.
Dhamaan shaqaalaha shirkada Hornafrik iyo Mas’uuliyiinta Idaacada ayaa waxaa ay murugo ka muujiyeen falkaan foosha xun ee Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ay markii ugu horsay u gaysteen mid ka mid ah shaqaalaha Idaacadda HornAfrik oo isaga oo aan waxba galabsan gurigii uu ilaalinayay ay Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ka wateen.
INAA ILLAAHI WAA INAA ILAAHI RAAJACUUN ALLE HA U NAXARIIRSTO MARXUUN MAXAMED.
Maxamed ayaa waxaa uu ilaalo ka hayay xiliga Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ay la baxeen guri ka soo horjeeda idaacadda oo uu leeyahay milkiilaha Idaacada HornAfrik Axmed C/salaam,iyadoo qaar ka mid ah shaqaalaha Idaacada ay sheegeen in ay maqlayeen dawaqa janjeelka guriga oo Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ay xoog ku jabinayeen xiligii dagaalka uu joogsaday.
Dhiig fara badan oo islamarkiiba loo maleeyay loo Marxuun Maxamed Xuseen ayaa lagu arkay banaanka hore ee Guriga waxaana inta badan la isku raacay in Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ay qaateen ayna dileen.
Baadi goob xoogan ayaa loogu jiray meydka Maxamed Xuseen waxaana lagu guuleystay in si islaamnimo ku jirto loo asturo.
Dagaalkii shalay ka dhacay Magaalada Muqdisho gaar ahaan deegaanada Black sea, Baar Ubax iyo Gubta iyo deegaano kale ayaa waxaa Ciidamada itoobiya ay gacanta ku dhigeen dad aad u fara badan oo rayid ah waxaana maanta Guddoomiyaha golaha dhaqanka iyo midnimada beelaha Hawiye Maxamed ayaa maanta sheegay in ay dadka ay hayaan Ciidamada itoobiyaanka ka soo furdaamin doonaan.
Source: Hornafrik
Saturday, November 03, 2007
Meydadka 3 qof ah oo ay dileen Ciidamada itoobiyaanka oo laga soo qaaday maanta agagaarka garoonka Kubadda cagta ee stadium Muqdisho.
Max’ed Dheere oo ugu baaqay Abuu Mansuur iyo rag kale inay ka baxaan Muqdisho...iyo warar kale oo soomalida ku sahabsan - Abdifatah Ahmed
Guddoomiyaha gobalka Banaadir ahna duqa magaalada Muqdisho Maxamed Cumar Xabeeb “Maxamed Dheere” oo shalay galab xafiiskiisa magaalada Muqdisho shir jaraa’id ku qabtay ayaa ka hadlay xaaladaha kala duwan oo ay ku sugan tahay Muqdisho.
Waxa uu sheegay inay inta badan ciidamada booliska gobalka Banaadir sugeen ammaankii gobalka balse ay jiraan kooxo fidno wadayaal ah sida uu hadalka u dhigay oo doonaya inay dhibaato ka dhex abuuraan shacabka Muqdisho.
Waxa uu sidoo kale Saxaafada tusay wiil 14-jir ah oo ciidamadiisa kusoo qabteen dagaal Howl-wadaag ka dhacay isagoo tuuraya bam gacmeedka loo yaqaan F1.
Wiilkaan oo Saxaafada la hadlay laguna magacaabo Sharma'arke Seeraar Cilmi ayaa sheegay in macalinkiisa dugsiga uu kusoo daray kooxaha wax qarxiya, isagoo sheegay inuusan mar dambe kooxahaas kamid noqon doonin sida uu yiri.
Waxaa sidoo kale halkaasi ka hadashay hooyada dhashay wiilkaan oo sheegtay in wiilkeeda la qalday ayna hada iyada lagu wareejiyay uusana mar dambe kooxaha kasoo horjeeda DF kamid noqon doonin.
Sharma'arke Seeraar ayaa loogu labisay dhar iyo kabo cusub isla markaana uu maamulka Gobolka guddoon siiyay xoogaa lacag ah, iyadoo Maxamed Dheere uu sheegay in caruurta maanta oo ah ubaxa dalka ay yihiin madaxdii dalka beri sidaa darteedna loo baahan yahay in la siiyo barbaarin hoose, si ay u anfacaan dalka iyo dadka
Max’ed Dheere ayaa sidoo kale ugu baaqay Sheekh Muqtaar Rooboow Abuu Mansuur oo ah Afhayeenka ciidamada Shabaabka ee Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ka tirsanaa inuu ka baxo gudaha magaalada Muqdisho.
Waxa uu sheegay inuu Abuu Mansuur iyo rag kale oo uu kamid yihiin Sheekh Fu’aad iyo Sheekh C/qaadir Cumar Cali ay ku dhuumaaleysanayaan xaafado ka tirsan Muqdisho isla markaana ay wadaan weerarada ciidamada DF lagu soo qaado.
Waxa uu wacad ku maray inay soo qaban doonaan hadii ay magaalada ka bixin ama ay sharciga isku dhiibin sida ugu dhaqsiyaha badan, isagoo sheegay inuu ogyahay meelaha ay ku dhuumaaleysanayaan xubnahaan.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hadalka Max’ed Dheere ayaa kusoo beegmaya xili labadii maalin ee ugu dambeysay xaalada Muqdisho ay dagneed marka loo eego maalmihii hore ee lasoo dhaafay.
Rice iyo Museveni oo kawada hadlay arrimaha Somalia.
Xoghayaha arimaha dibada ee dalka Mareykanka Condoleezza Rice iyo Madaxweynaha dalka Uganda Yuweri Museveni ayaa shalay ka wada hadlay xaalada murugsan ee dalka Somalia.
Labada mas’uul oo kulan albaabada u laabnaa ku yeeshay magaalada Washington ayay ku lafa gureen xaalada Somalia iyo qaabkii loo soo celin lahaa nabada Somalia.
Illo diblomaasiyadeed u dhow dhow Rice ayaa sheegeen inay Rice ka codsaday Uganda inay ciidamada kasoo jooga Muqdisho kusoo kordhiso 10.000 oo askari kuwaaso nabada Muqdisho ka qeyb qaadan doono.
Rice ayaa sheegtay hadii ciidamo dheeraad ah oo Uganda ka socda ay soo gaaraan Somalia inay dalka Somalia ka bixin doonaan ciidamada Ethiopian-ka oo shacabka Soomaaliyed aadka u neceb yahay.
Waxa ay sidoo kale sheegtay inay waxii qarashaad ah dowlada Mareykanka la garab taagana tahay xukuumada Kampala isla markaana ay awooda saari doonto nabadeyda Somalia.
Waxa aya sheegtay in kooxaha Al-qaacida ka tirsan ay kusoo badanayaan Somalia, isla markaana muhiim tahay in si nabadoon arrimaha loo xaliyo.
Madaxweyne Museveni ayaa sheegay in dowladiisu ciidamo gaaraya 1,500 Askari oo nabad ilaalin ah udireen dalka Soomaaliya ,kana caawinaya dowlada Soomaaliya sugida amaanka goobaha dowlada sida Madaxtooyada ,Garoonka diyaaradaha iyo Dekeda Magaalo Muqdisho.
Waxa uu balan qaaday in ciidamada Mareykanka uu ka codsaday inay ku biiriyaan Somalia ay geyn doonaan si ay guud ahaan howlaha ammaan sugida Somalia la wareegaan askarta Uganda.Wuxuu sheegay in ay ciidamadiisu si wanaagsan wax uga qabteen xaaladaha Soomaaliya ,lana wareegeen hubab badan oo ay soo qabqabteen ciidamada dowlada Itoobiya iyo kuwa Dowlada KMG ah.Isagoo ku nuux-nuuxsaday in ay Uganda sii wadeyso taageerada ay siineyso Dowlada KMG ah ee Somalia ,wuxuuna sheegay in marar badan isku dayey wada hadalsiinta dowlada iyo kooxaha Asmara, balse wuxuu sheegay in ay taasi ka biyo diideen kooxaha dowlada ka soo horjeeda.Yuweri Museveni ayaa shaaca ka qaaday in ciidamada ka jooga Soomaaliya ay bilaabeen caawinta dadka ka barakacay dagaalada iyo rabshadaha ka socda Magaalada dagaaladu la dageen ee Muqdisho.
Isku soo duuboo, kulanka labadaan mas’uul dhex maray ayaa kusoo beegmaya xili waayadii ugu dambeeyay ay Muqdisho kusoo badanayeen weerarada ciidamada Uganda lagu qaadayo iyadoo weerar hoobiye oo dekada Muqdisho lagu qaaday dhawaan ay ugu dhaawacmeen afar askari Ugandhees ah.
Laura Bush oo ka hadashay xaalada murugsan ee Somalia.
Xaaska Madaxweynaha dalka Mareykanka Laura Bush ayaa si walaac uu ku jiro shalay kaga hadashay xaalada sii xumaaneysa ee dalka Somalia gaar ahaan magaalada Muqdisho.
Waxey sheegtay inay aad ugu xuntahay xaalada sii xumaaneysa ee Somalia iyadoo ugu baaqday Madaxweynaha Somalia Cabdilaahi Yuusuf Axmed inuu heshiis la furo kooxaha kasoo horjeeda isagoo badbaadinaya dhiiga shacabka inuu daato.
Waxa ay xustay in iska horimaadyada Muqdisho ka dhaca inta badan ay qasaaro nafeed kasoo gaaraan shacab aan waxba galabsan taasoo cuqubo ku ah xukuumada hagoogan magacada shacabka sida ay tiri.
“Marnaba raali kama noqoneyno in shacabka lagu kor tunto, cidii dagaalsana waxaan ugu baaqeynaa inay miiska wada hadalka khilaafaadkooda ku xaliyaan” ayay yiri Laura Bush
Waxa ay xustay in kumanaan kun oo Soomaaliyeed ay ka qaxeey toddobaadyadii ugu dambeeyay Muqdisho, kuwaaso hada ku rafaadsan gobolada u dhow dhow oo aysan heynsan goob ay jiiftaan, cuno iyo caafimaad intaba.
Waxa ay ugu baaqday hay’adaha caalamiga ee gargaarka bani aadnimo ka shaqeeya inay mucaawano deg deg ah la gaaraan shacabka Muqdisho ka qaxay ee rafaadsan.
Waxa ay shaaca ka qaaday in Madaxweyne Bush todobaadyada soo socda tagayo Bariga Africa qeybo ka mid ah ,waxa ayna sheegtay in uu wada hadalo la yeelanayo Madaxda dowlada Soomaaliya dariska la ah sida Itoobiya iyo Kenya.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hadalka xaaska Madaxweyne Bush ayaa kusoo beegmaya xili xiisadaha iyo dagaalada ka jira magaalada Muqdisho ay saacad saacada ka dambeysa sii baahayaan kuwaaso galaafanaya nolosha dad rayid ah.
Talyaaniga, France iyo Spain oo sharciyo adag kasoo saaraya tahriibayaasha Soomaalida.
Dowlada Talyaaniga, France iyo Spain ayaa sheegeen inay sharciyo adag ay kasoo saari doonaan Soomaalida Tahriibayaasha ah ee dhulalkooda sida sharci darada ah kusoo galaya.
Afhayeen u hadlay wasaarada arrimaha gudaha Talyaaniga oo lagu magacaabo Marcella Lucidi ayaa sheegay inay muddo ka indha xiranayeen tahriibayaasha Soomaalida ee dhulalkooda soo galaya, isla markaana hada waajib ku noqotay inay xakameeyeen arintaan.
Waxa uu sheegay in toddobaadyadii ugu dambeeyay gudaha wadadam Talyaaniga, Spain iyo France ay soo galeen ku dhawaad 12.000 oo Tahriibayaal Soomaali ah kuwaaso si dhuumaaleysi ah doomo ugu soo galaya.
Waxa uu xusay in dalalka Italy, France iyo Spain ay kulamo deg deg ah ka yeesheen arrimaha Tahriibka, isla markaana dhawaan sharciyo adag oo lagu qaadi doono cidii si sharci daro ah dalalkaasi usoo gasha ay soo saari doonaan.
Waxa uu xusay in cidii si sharci darro ah ku soo gasha Italy, France iyo Spain si qasab ah loo tarxiili doono iyadoo ilaa haatana aysan cadeyn in baarlamanka dalalkaasi uu ansixin doono sharcigan ka dhanka ah tahriibayaasha soo galaya dalalkaan.
Isku soo duuboo, hadalkaan ayaa kusoo beegmaya xili xeebaha dalalka Liibiya iyo Turkiga ay ka socdaan abaabul xoogan oo ay wadaan kumanaan tahriibayaal Soomaali ah kuwaaso doonaya inay gaaraan wadadam Yurub qaarkood gaar ahaan Spain iyo Talyaaniga iskuna biimeeyaan badda weyn ee u dhaxeysa ee halista badan.
Ethiopia oo ciidan kale usoo dirtay gudaha Somalia.
Tv-ga dalka Ethiopia ayaa xalay laga sheegay in kumanaan ciidamo Ethiopian ah oo aad u hubeysan isla markaana wata gaadiidka dagaalka loo diray gudaha dalka Somalia.
Ciidamadaan ayaa lagu sheegay inay ku biiri doonaan kumanaanka ciidan ee Ethiopia ka jooga gudaha Somalia gaar ahaan magaalada Muqdisho.
Waxa la sheegay inay ciidamadaan ka qeybq aadan doonaan howl-galada Muqdisho ay ka wadaan ciidamada Ethiopian-ka iyo kuwa tirada yare e Soomaalida isla markaana ay ammaanka Muqdisho wax weyn ka qaban doonaan marka ay tagaan.
War Saxaafaeed kasoo baxay xarunta Madaxtooyada Addis Ababa ayaa lagu sheegay in ciidamadaan ay yihiin kuwo tababar xoogan leh isla markaana la babac dhigi kara xoogaga kasoo horjeeda DF ee Muqdisho ku sugan.
War Saxaafadeedka ayaa lagu sheegay in ciidamadaan Somalia loogu diray kadib markii Dowlada KMG ah ee Somalia ka codsaday xukuumada Addis-ababa inay ciidamo dheeraad ah ay usoo dirto gudaha Somalia.
Ciidamadaan ayaa hada soo galay gudaha Somalia iyadoo la sheegay inay saacad kadib gaari doonaan caasimada Somalia ee Muqdisho oo ah meesha ugu xoogan ee qalaalasaha iyo dagaalada ay ka dhacaan.
Si kastaba arintu ha ahaatee, imaanshiyaha ciidamadaan ee gudaha Somalia ayaa kusoo beegmeysa xili qalaasihii abid ugu xumaa uu ka jiro Muqdisho iyadoo ay soo badanayaan weerarada dharaartii iyo habeenkiiba lagu qaadayo ciidamada Ethiopian-ka.
Abdifatah Ahmed
Friday, November 02, 2007
A brittle Western ally in the Horn of Africa - Economist
Nov 1st 2007 ADDIS ABABA, ARBA MINCH AND LALIBELAWhile things are getting better in much of Africa, Ethiopia risks getting left behind
This ancient country has become an essential ally of America in the “war on terror”. Last year Ethiopia invaded Somalia in support of a UN-backed transitional federal government, which had been threatened with jihad by the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) that had taken over Mogadishu, the capital. The Americans joined in, giving vital intelligence, to catch al-Qaeda people whom the UIC was sheltering. These men, it believed, were responsible for the bombings of the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, killing more than 220 people.
Mr Zenawi won the West's friendship, too, for his efforts to tackle Ethiopia's deep poverty. These have met with some success—so much so that Tony Blair has put Mr Zenawi in the vanguard of an “African Renaissance”. But Ethiopia's upward track as development poster-child and dependable ally was rudely interrupted in 2005. That year's presidential and parliamentary elections were marred by mass killings on the streets of the capital. Police fired on opposition supporters and others who were protesting against what they claimed were rigged elections. Tens of thousands, including journalists and NGO workers as well as opposition activists, were rounded up in a general dragnet; many spent weeks, or months, in prison without charge. Opposition leaders were accused of hugely inflated crimes, such as high treason and genocide. Seventy-one of them were freed only last summer, after having to sign a letter admitting their part in inciting violent protests.
These events shattered the West's cosy image of the modernising, progressive Mr Zenawi. Appalled Western governments abruptly switched off direct financial support to the Ethiopian government, though aid has been resumed through indirect channels. And an anti-Zenawi lobby, largely funded by the big Ethiopian diaspora in America, now issues a stream of anti-government criticism from the United States. A few weeks ago the House of Representatives passed a bill condemning Ethiopia's human-rights record and pledging money to help opposition politics. Though it stands almost no chance of becoming law, it shows that Ethiopia is now a subject of fierce controversy.
On six cents a day
Ethiopia likes to do things differently. In September it started celebrating the new millennium (see picture above), more than seven years after everybody else. The country has been out of step in this respect since 1582: while the rest of the Christian world changed to the revised Gregorian calendar, Ethiopia stuck to the Julian. It also still keeps its own time, measured in 12-hour cycles rather than 24-hour ones.
Uniquely in Africa, Ethiopia was never really colonised by Europeans. But its singular history has been a curse as much as a blessing. As the rest of Africa decolonised and modernised, albeit fitfully, after the second world war, Ethiopia remained stuck fast in a feudal fantasy presided over by a diminutive emperor, Haile Selassie. He was deposed only in 1974, by which time the modern world had largely passed Ethiopia by and the country had become known for poverty and famine. It still is.
Ethiopia was further damaged by the committee of military officers, known as the Derg, that overthrew the emperor. That regime degenerated into a “red terror” of gulags and summary executions; it also lost an expensive, wasteful war with Tigrayan and Eritrean separatists over what would become, in 1993, the new country of Eritrea. The Derg produced the dreadful famines of 1984-85, the first to be alleviated mainly by the efforts of Bob Geldof and a phalanx of rock stars.
Since the early 1990s, however, Ethiopia has recovered somewhat under Mr Zenawi. Signs of that are evident on the big, pristine campus of the University of Arba Minch, more than 500km (311 miles) south of Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa. The university's president, Tarekegn Tadesse, has welcomed 8,000 students this term, a huge number for an obscure provincial town of 50,000-odd people. The crowd of freshmen, he says, testifies to the government's rapid expansion of tertiary education; in the case of Arba Minch, enrolment has increased fourfold in seven years.
It is an inspiring story. The new university buildings springing up all over the south are tangible evidence that the aid and development money pumped into Ethiopia reaches the people it is meant to. Roads are clearly being built, funded largely by the Chinese; schools and water-treatment plants are being opened. And there are few complaints of corruption, a fact that continues to make Ethiopia popular with foreign donors.
Yet despite this, after almost a decade of well-intentioned development policies, Ethiopians remain mired in the most wretched poverty. Officially, about 80% of them live on less than $2 a day. Often it is a lot less than that. An area like Sidama, in the south, looks green, tropical and improbably fertile, but existence there can be precarious. One foreign charity, Action Contre la Faim, recently found that the average cash income for households in one area was six cents a day. Shocked researchers concluded that the depth of poverty there was “far beyond what had previously been thought”.
Visiting the nearby villages confirms these cold statistics. In Garbicho Lela, high up in the hills, a nurse estimates that 13% of children are severely malnourished. The one shop in the village betrays the low level of economic activity; on the weekly market day, when over 500 people will walk for hours from the surrounding hill-villages to sell a few things, the shop will do only about 200 birrs ($23) of business. On an average day, it sells two Pepsis. After three years of good rains, aid workers reckon that the risk of severe food shortages has, for the moment, receded. But so marginal are the reserves of food and money here that one bad season could still spell disaster.
The fact is that for all the aid money and Chinese loans coming in, Ethiopia's economy is neither growing fast enough nor producing enough jobs. The number of jobs created by flowers is insignificant beside an increase in population of about 2m a year, one of the fastest rates in Africa. Since every mother has about seven children, it is conceivable that Ethiopia, with 75m-plus people today, could overtake Nigeria (now 140m-strong) as Africa's most populous country by mid-century. Just to stand still, let alone make inroads into poverty, the country must produce hundreds of thousands of jobs a year.
It is hard to see where they will come from. The government claims that the economy has been growing at an impressive 10% a year since 2003-04, but the real figure is probably more like 5-6%, which is little more than the average for sub-Saharan Africa. And even that modestly improved rate, with a small building boom in Addis Ababa, for instance, has led to the overheating of the economy, with inflation moving up to 19% earlier this year before the government took remedial action.
The reasons for this economic crawl are not hard to find. Beyond the government-directed state, funded substantially by foreign aid, there is—almost uniquely in Africa—virtually no private-sector business at all. The IMF estimates that in 2005-06 the share of private investment in the country was just 11%, nearly unchanged since Mr Zenawi took over in the early 1990s. That is partly a reflection of the fact that, despite some privatisation since the centralised Marxist days of the Derg, large areas of the economy remain government monopolies, closed off to private business.
Jobs for the boys
This is where Ethiopia misses out badly. Take telecoms. While the rest of Africa has been virtually transformed in just a few years by a revolution in mobile telephony, Ethiopia stumbles along with its inept and useless government-run services. Everywhere else, a plethora of South African, home-grown and European providers has leapt into the market to provide Africans with an extraordinary array of cheaper and more efficient services, now used even by the poorest of farmers, for instance, to check spot prices for agricultural goods in markets miles away. And the mobile-phone revolution has created thousands of new livelihoods; at times it seems as if every boy on a street corner is hawking a top-up card. Not in Ethiopia.
It is the same story in financial services, where, despite the growth of some smaller private banks, no foreign banks are allowed. Micro-finance schemes have expanded exponentially, but it remains almost impossible to find start-up loans for small or medium businesses.
Unless the private sector is allowed to create jobs, the country's problems will continue to mount and the gains of development may be squandered. Sooner rather than later, 2m more people a year will overwhelm a state that is trying to provide most of the jobs itself.
Economic failings are Ethiopia's biggest long-term challenge; but its worst short-term problems are political. Just as the government is slowing the pace of economic expansion for fear that individuals may accumulate wealth and independence, so it is failing to move fast enough from a one-party state to a modern, pluralist democracy. Again, the reason may be that it is afraid to.
The difficulties stem partly from the country's ethnic make-up. Mr Zenawi and the ruling elite are Tigrayans, from the north, a group that is only about 7% of the population. The Oromos, mainly in the centre and south, comprise 40% of the population and provide most of the country's food; but they feel excluded from its economic gains.
At one time or another, most of these ethnic groups have pursued secessionist ambitions at the expense of a greater Ethiopia. The government, to its credit, must have thought that it had drawn much of the poison of ethnic competition by introducing a new federal constitution in 1994, with many powers devolved to the regions, and by accepting the independence of Eritrea in 1993.
But recent events have reignited the threat of ethnic, and thus political, instability. The turmoil in Somalia has led to a reawakening of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which in April killed 74 workers, including nine Chinese, at an oil-exploration camp; the week before last it claimed to have killed 250 government soldiers in a gun battle. Some of its leaders want to be part of a greater Islamist Somalia, and are probably being helped by the Islamist militias there. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) also continues to be active; though its military activities are disavowed by most Oromos, many sympathise with the broad aim of getting a better deal for Oromia. The CUD is leading the battle across the Atlantic against Mr Zenawi's rule, and Eritrea has tried to stoke each uprising, supplying arms to the Oromo rebels and even playing host to its leaders in Asmara, the Eritrean capital.
Unfortunately, despite all the talk of ethnic federalism, the government has chosen to crack down severely on what it sees as direct threats to Ethiopia's integrity. This, in turn, sparks more opposition. The Ethiopian army has made it increasingly difficult to get into the Ogaden region, virtually one-fifth of the country; even NGOs such as Médecins Sans Frontières have been struggling to provide help there. Oromo leaders complain of continuing discrimination against them; one of them estimates that as many as 10,000 Oromo sympathisers have, over the years, been rounded up and put in prisons across the country. Hundreds of those were university and school teachers arrested for giving civic-education classes that stressed Oromo issues—inciting protests, claimed the government.
Bulcha Demeksa, an MP and leader of a minority Oromo party, the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, complains that in the past three months thousands more Oromos, many of them his own supporters, have been thrown into prison. He says that the government wants to extinguish any independent opposition outside the government-sponsored official Oromo party, the Oromo People's Democratic Organisation (OPDO). Many Oromos claim it is impossible to get state jobs in Oromia, such as teaching, unless they join the OPDO; farmers complain that they do not get fertiliser unless they join it.
Human Rights Watch, a New York-based lobby group, says that “while this government is an improvement over its predecessor [the Derg], its human-rights record is nonetheless extremely grim.” The government has also become highly sensitive to criticism. The Committee to Protect Journalists estimates that only Zimbabwe has produced more exiled journalists since 2001, though Eritrea is much fiercer at curbing the freedom of the press.
The Ethiopian government's efforts at political control are supported by a wide network of informers and secret police. Critics say it is exploiting the jihadist terror threat to link many legitimate opposition campaigners and supporters with terrorist groups and take them off the streets. The threats from Eritrea, where a new border war could erupt at any time, and the Islamists in Somalia are real. But at this rate, argues Mr Demeksa, “the ethnic groups are on a collision course.”
It does not have to come to that. Many people are working tirelessly to bridge the differences. But if such tensions are not eased and the lack of jobs and opportunities not addressed, Ethiopia's future could get much bumpier. In that case, its friendship in a dangerously volatile region would be of little use to the West.
Fresh violence and 'climate of fear' pushes Somalia towards breaking point
By Steve Bloomfield, Africa Correspondent
Published: 02 November 2007
Aid agencies are warning of a humanitarian catastrophe in Somalia after a military offensive unleashed by Ethiopia forced up to 100,000 people to flee Mogadishu in recent days.
Ethiopia has sent up to 15,000 additional troops into its Horn of Africa neighbour as it struggles to pacify an Islamist-led insurgency.
Entire districts have emptied as people have been forced from their homes. Mogadishu's mayor, Mohammed Dheere, told residents on Sunday that they should leave. Diplomats in Nairobi have warned that the Ethiopian attacks, targeted at certain sub-clans opposed to the government, could be considered ethnic cleansing.
The UN's humanitarian co-ordinator, Christian Balslev-Olesen, said there were "reports of house-to-house searches and large-scale detentions," which have "created a climate of fear among the population not witnessed before".
Ethiopian troops and Islamist insurgents were engaged in three major battles over the weekend that left about 100 civilians injured.
"You see groups of people spontaneously protesting, crying for help from the international community and wondering how long Mogadishu will keep on being destroyed," the UN refugee agency quoted a staff member in Somalia as saying.
About 46,000 of those fleeing have gone to the town of Afgooye, 20 miles outside Mogadishu, where there are already more than 100,000 people displaced from fighting earlier this year. Aid agencies warned yesterday that they were unable to provide any assistance because of chronic insecurity. Armed checkpoints, the scourge of Somalia since its last central government was overthrown in 1991, are proliferating at an alarming rate. Militias aligned to one of the 100 or so different sub-clans set up checkpoints, demanding money from all who pass.
Humanitarian convoys carrying food or water can be charged up to $100 (£50) a time. It is estimated there are more than 200 checkpoints on the roads leading into Mogadishu.
Paul Smith-Lomas of Oxfam said aid agencies were "extremely concerned that a humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding and agencies are unable to get safe access to tens of thousands of people fleeing Mogadishu."
Harassment of UN and aid agency staff members is also on the rise. The six remaining international UN staff in southern and central Somalia were evacuated from Merka, a town 45 miles south of Mogadishu, on Sunday.
Earlier this month, the World Food Programme's senior officer in Mogadishu was arrested in an armed raid on the UN compound carried out by the government's own security forces.
Mr Balslev-Olesen said it was "very likely" many of those displaced in April would begin to die. "We have not even been able to provide the basic needs for these people in terms of water and sanitation," he said. "Unless we get access, people will start dying."
Ethiopia invaded Somalia in late December last year, driving out the Union of Islamic Courts, which had taken control of Mogadishu and large areas of southern and central Somalia. A transitional government, which had previously been holed up in a small western town, Baidoa, was instantly installed in Mogadishu.
Ethiopia was given tacit approval for the invasion by the United States, which wanted to target terrorist suspects it believed were in Somalia. The US views Somalia as a vital front in the global "war on terror" and has carried out its own air strikes in the country.
But things have not gone as planned. Although the Courts were defeated within days, it took less than a month for fighters fromal-Shabaab, the hardline wing of the Courts' militia with links to al-Qa'ida, to begin an insurgency.
Somalia's interim government has struggled to keep control of the country, relying on thousands of Ethiopian troops. Longstanding animosity among ordinary Somalis towards Ethiopia has drained the government of what little public support it had, particularly in Mogadishu, which is a stronghold of the Hawiye clan.
The government, headed by Abdullahi Yusuf, is dominated by members of his Darod clan.
A long-running feud between President Yusuf and his Prime Minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, has also damaged the government. Mr Gedi resigned from the government earlier this week after pressure from the United States, where he and his family have been offered asylum.
"The Ethiopians are in way over their heads," said one Western diplomat. "They can't cope any more and are looking desperately for an exit strategy."
Ethiopia had hoped that the African Union (AU) would provide their exit strategy. A force of 8,000 AU troops was sanctioned earlier this year. If fully deployed, it would have enabled Ethiopia to withdraw.
But so far just a single battalion of 1,600 Ugandan soldiers has been deployed. A battalion of Burundians is expected to join them later this month, but their deployment has been beset by operational difficulties.
Source: Independent
Warsaxaafadeed ay Maanta Soo saareen Ururka Somaliland Website Journalists association (SLWJA) - Mohamed Inji
Warsaxaafadeed ay Soo Saareen Maanta Ururka Somaliland Website Journalists association (SLWJA) ayaa Waxa uu udhignaa Sidda Tan: Waanu ka Warqabnaa Websiteyada ay Leeyihiin Cadwga Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland iyo Beenta Qaawan ee aan Geedba ku gabanayn ee ka Fog Xaqiiqada Dhabta ah , Websiteyadaasi ay Leeyihiin Maamulka Majeerteeniya ee Beenta Qaawan Faafinaya
waxaanay kala Yihiin kuwan hoos ku qoran .
Widhwidh.com , badhanonline.com, iyo Waliba Websiteka Jidbaale.com Kuwaasi oo Been iyo Waxaan jirin ku qoray Websiteyadan Reeraysan ee leeyihiin Dadkii laga saaray Laascaanood ee maamulka majeerteeniya ee hadda Dhufaysanaya Garoowe iyo meel Ciidanka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland Dhirbaaxo ku geeyay Ma ka warami karaa meel laga saaray Cidii Caqli lihi way Fahmaysaa Jawaabta .
Ururka Somaliand Website Journalists Association (SLWJA) Waxa uu Beeninayaa Wararka Beenta ah ee ay Daabaceen Websiteyada Cadawga ee Majeerteeniya Sida Widhwidh.com iyo Kuwo la hal Maala oo Xaqiiqada ka Door biday been Qolaysan waana kuwii ilaa markii Ciidamadda Somaliland ee Xooga Badani Qabsadeen Laaascaanood ku adkaysanayay waa Been ee Majeerteeniya ayaa haysata Laascaanood .Run ahaantii Waa Wax laga Yaayaqsoodo hadii Been goor walba ad ku Baaxiso Mareege ama Website xataa hadii Websiteka ay leeyihiin cidii doontaa waa in Runta laga Doorbidaa ayaa Anshaxa Saxaafadeed dhigayaa .Ururka Somaliland Website Journalists (SLWJA) Udulqaadan Maayo Been Danbe oo Warbaahinta cadawgu soo Maleegto .Maamulka Majeerteeniya Hoogii ay kala Kulmeen Ciidamadda Somaliland Waa tii uu Cadde Muuse isagoo Cararaya Garoowe Xilkii uu kaga xayuubiyay Taliyihii Ciidanka Majeerteeniya Isla markiiba .
Afhayeenka Ururka Somaliland Website Journalists association (SLWJA)
Wariye Mohamed Mussa inji
Hadhow Bay Dhurantaa oy ma Dhexjoogin Tidhaa, Wataa Dheeg Ololeysa, ee Waa Dharaare Dhacso!
Waligay intaan jiray hadal aan ku diirsado oo salaadiinta reer Awdal kasoo baxa waa kii iigu horeeyey een ka maqlo, balse waxa igaga jira shaki weyn sababtoo ah loogama baran hadalo caynkan ah. Salaadiinta reer Awdal oo isku af ah, isku aragti ah ayaanlaa hela.
Hadii ay usuura gasho xukuumada somaliland, waxay damacsantahay inay samayso wax u eg diwaan galin oo ay dadka kaadhadh u qaybiso. Laakiin marna suura gal ma noqon doonto in dalka diwaan galin dhab ah laga sameeyo. Diwaan galintu maaha hawl yar oo maamulka somaliland si fudud u fulin karo,duruufo badan baa ku xeeran. Diwaan galintuna waxay ubaahantahay Masuuliyad,dhaqaale xoogleh,farsamo(qalab),wakhti iyo aqoonteedii.
Midna maamulka somaliland ma hayo laakiin wuxu doonayaa inuu wax iska malmaluuqo.
Sida ay warbaahintu qortay waxa magaalada Borama gaadhay wafti uu hogaaminayo gudoomiyaha gudiga diwaan galinta Ismaaciil Muuse Nuur.Gudigu wuxu kulan la qaatay Salaadiinta gobolka isagoo uga waramay qorshahooda ku aadan diwaan galinta.
Hadaba, Salaadiinta reer Awdal oo aan looga baran inay ka hadlaan ama u hadlaan bulshada ay metelaan,laguna xanto in suldaan waliba dantiisa yar ee gaarka ah uun ka hadlo oo uu midba midka kale uun daba maro illaa ingiriiskii ayaa umuuqda kuwo maanta dhaqankaa bedelay.
Salaadiinta reer Awdal markii ay kulanka la qaateen nimankii komishanka ka socday waxay ku yiraahdeen.
1- in 135-ka goobdoorasho ee Sanaaduuqda loogu talo galay G/Awdal aanay ahayn mid ku filan Gobolka balse loo baahan yahay in la gaadhsiiyo ilaa 300.
2- Waxay soo jeediyeen in la kordhiyo wakhtiga diwaan galinta iyagoo sheegay inaanan hal bil waxba lagu fulin Karin iygoo soo jeediyey in diwaan galintu ugu yaraan 6 bilood ay socoto si loo suura galiyo in dadku ay helaan kaadhka aqoonsiga.
3- Waxay dufaaceen sumcada bulshada ay magacooda ku hadlayaan iyagoo yidhi: Hadiiba ay jirto oo reer Awdal wax ku shubteen sidaad ugu shubanayseen uunbay iyagna ugu shubanayeen.
4- Waxay ku taliyeen inaan la degdegin oo la turxaan bixiyo si aanay dhibaato uga dhicin diiwangalinta, nidaamkana waa nidaam cusub oo aad ku tilmaanteed inuu yahay mid Dimuqraadiyada Meel marinaya sidaa awgeed tamar la’aanta aad sheegaysaan la idinka siisan maayee waxaa loo baahan yahay dulqaad iyo awood xoogan oo dhinaca dhaqaalaha iyo tirada dadka goobaha diiwangalintu ka dhacayso oo laga howl galiyo……Runtii Hadaladani waa kuwo dhaxal gal ah oo ubaahan in laga dhabeeyo.Laakin hadii dhaqaale lagu raadinayo waa kuwo dhabar jab ku ah bulshada oo ay salaadiintu ku hoosaasinayso mujtamaca gobolka ku dhaqan.
Aan usoo noqdo dulucda hadalkeyga. Anigu waxan aaminsanahay in la idin shirqoolayo hadii aad tihiin shacabkii reer Awdal.Ma jecli inaan hadalka ku rafto hadalkana waxa fiican intiisa yar ee murtida leh.
Waxa laguu sheegayaa adiga in dalka diwaan galin laga samaynayo oo dadka kaadhadh la siin doono,ka dibna qofka kaadhkaa haysta uuni codeyn doono,adigana daacadnimada iyo dawlad jacaylku ceebtaada maaha ee waa caadadaada.Siyaasigaaga iyo suldaankaagu inay saaqyo kaa raacaan ceebtooda maaha ee waa caadadooda.Adiguna hadhow inaad calaacal miciinstaa ceeebtaada maaha ee waa caadadaada.
Hadalka idinku badin maayo laakiin waxan idiin sheegi lahaa:
1- in diwaan galin sax ahi aanay marnaba dhacayn laakiin waraaqaha la sheegayo waxogey la soo cayimay gobolka la keeni doono.Afarta wiig la yiri diwaangalintu way soconaysaana waraaqaha iyo wakhtiga la iswaafajin doono,idinkuna aad sidiinii yoomka (shilinka) afarta maalmood ee la idin shirqoolayo aad ukala badin doontaan.Ka dibna indhihiina oo shan ah la idin odhan doono diwaan galintii way dhamaatay idinkoon kowba joogin ileyn waa jar la idinla maaganaaye.Waxa xigi doona calaacalkiinii iyo hebelbaa caynkaa noo galay.
2- Gobolada kale ee dalka oo boqolaal kun oo qof la diwaan galin doono.Tixgali weedhan "isku haye iskama hagrado".Waxa tusaale kuugu filan adhigii jilib jilibka iyo jufo jufada loo qaybsaday mujtamaca reer Awdal ee baaxadaa lehna la yiri 2000 oo neefbaa la idiin qoondeeyey inaad saylada keentaan.Waraaquhu waa tabta adhigaa uun ee maanka ku hay.
Ku baraarug sheekada:Xasuuso shirkii Boorama ee 1993kii sidii aad u ilduuftay,Xasuuso khiyaamadii 1995kii markii 1000 shilin 100 shilin lagaaga qaatay.Xasuuso been abuurkii codqaadistii dastuurka 2001dii,adigoon codayn lagu yiri Awdal 100% way ucodeysay dastuurtka.
Wax ku qaado shirqoolkii 2003dii markii doorashada madaxweynaha sidii laguu garba duubay,waxa lagugula kacay fal aan gobolada kale lagula kicin,waxa gobolka la keenay waraaqo ka yar kuwa gobolada kale lageeyey,waxa laguu diiday in gaadiid dhaqaaqo maalintii codbixinta halka gobolada kale ay wax waliba caadi ahaayeen.Waxa gobolka la keenay dad Hargeysa laga keenay oo la yiri way idin diwaan galinayaan,halka gobolada kale dadkii u dhashay diwaan galinayeen. Waxa la yiri: Mar idage alla ha dago laba goor idagase anigaa isdagay.
Intaa hore hadii aad calaacal sad mooday maanta iska garo waxa lagula maaganyahay,lama doonayo in diwaan galin xalaal ah wadanka laga sameeyo waxa loo qab iyo dig leeyahay waa adiga (awdal).Taa waxad ka dhan dhansanaysaa hadalka nimankan(gudiga)hawsha loo xilsaaray.Markii ay shalay/doraad la kulmeen cuqaasha iyo salaadiinta waxay ku andacoodeen in reer Awdal ku shubtaan doorashooyinka laakiin hadii la diwaan galiyo taasi dhici doonin. Waxa la doonayaa in 60-70 kun oo waraaqood gobolk la keeno,ka dibna aad intaa kuyuu ugashaan.Inta cimrigiina ka hadhayna taa la idinkula xisaabtamo.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee hadii diwaan galiln dhab ah la doonayo in gobolka laga hirgaliyo talada salaadiinta iyo cuqaasha hala meel mariyo"Hadhowbay dhurantaa oy ma dhexjoogin tidhaa,wataa Dheeg ololeysa ee waa dharaare dhacso".
Jawhar Cabdisamad Qalinle
Email: Qalinle@Gurmad.com
Source: Harowo.com
Thursday, November 01, 2007
''Somaliland Moves to Close its Borders and is Caught in a Web of Conflict''
With the capture from Puntland of Los Anod, the capital of Somalia's post-independence Sool region, on October 15 by local forces allied with Somaliland, the latter has been drawn inextricably into the tangled web of conflicts in Somalia's south and central regions.
Having declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, following the fall of dictator Siad Barre, Somaliland lays claim to the territory comprised by the former British Somaliland, which includes the Sool region. Hargeisa lost control of Sool and Los Anod in 2003, when forces from Puntland successfully occupied the region based on clan affiliations with its population. Since then, Hargeisa has been planning to regain its foothold at an opportune moment, and now it perceives that it has found one.By taking Los Anod, Somaliland is not guaranteed permanent control; Puntland has vowed to launch a counter-offensive, elements of Sool's population favor continued union with Puntland, and Ethiopia -- Somaliland's only ally -- is also allied with Puntland. What is nearly certain is that Hargeisa will no longer be able to maintain its distance from Somalia's turmoil that has allowed it to evolve democratic institutions and sustain its economy, both of which achievements are central to its vital interest in gaining the international recognition that has so far eluded it.
A die has been cast:
if Hargeisa wins its gamble, it will have made good on its territorial claim and will have fulfilled another requirement for recognition; if it becomes embroiled in extended conflict or is rolled back by Puntland, its case for recognition will be weakened and its domestic political stability will be impaired, opening the possibility that Somaliland will begin the process of fragmentation that is underway in Somalia.A Severe Conflict Becomes ManifestDue to its policy of standing aside from Somalia's conflicts, Somaliland -- up until now -- has not entered PINR's reports as a major player. That policy, which aimed at showing that Somaliland is not an aggressive power -- yet another element of its overriding quest for recognition -- has kept under wraps what is potentially the most severe conflict in the territory of post-independence Somalia.
The capture of Los Anod has brought that conflict to the surface.Passions run so high between Somaliland and Puntland that there is no neutral political term to describe the former. At one extreme, it is the Republic of Somaliland and, at the other, it is a secessionist sub-state of Somalia with no legal claims to sovereignty. It is immediately evident where writers stand in the conflict by how they refer to Somaliland. Efforts to mediate between the extremes are also loaded; for example, "self-declared independent republic," "breakaway state," "mini-state," and "sub-state," each of which tends toward one or the other of the polar positions.However an analyst decides to identify the fundamental juridical status of Somaliland, there will be heated complaints from quarters that perceive bias -- and quite correctly so. That Somaliland exists in a juridical netherworld is responsible for the fact that its political class and much of its population are preoccupied with recognition.
PINR declines to take sides on the juridical issue of Somaliland's status and will simply use the proper name without further elaboration; that is, PINR will acknowledge that Somaliland's very status is contested, creating an "existential" issue that makes its entry into conflicts with external actors particularly severe.Somaliland's juridical claims to the territory of the former British mandate rest on the fact that it enjoyed five days of independence in 1960, before it united with the former Italian Somaliland to form the post-independence Republic of Somalia. According to Hargeisa's reasoning, by declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland simply restored its previous status. Opponents of Somaliland's independence, including not only Puntland, which claims a provisional autonomous status within Somalia, but also Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.) and most of its political oppositions, claim that Somaliland voided its independence when it agreed to join post-independence Somalia. External actors have stood aside from the juridical dispute, withholding their recognition, but acknowledging Somaliland's achievements and often maintaining relations of varying degrees with it, keeping Somaliland in limbo while giving it faint hopes for eventual recognition.Legal conflicts always conceal or express underlying interests and the confrontation between Somaliland and Puntland rests on the latter's interest in uniting with regions of the former British mandate that have a majority of their populations affiliated with the Darod clan, which is dominant in Puntland; whereas Somaliland is dominated by the Isaaq clan. Both Somaliland and Puntland contain members of other clan families as well as competing sub-clans within their respective dominant clan, complicating their blanket confrontation of clan-family interest. Somaliland, which has partially evolved beyond clan representation through its democratic institutions, rejects Puntland's clan-based claim to the Sool region, whereas Puntland asserts that Somaliland's claim that it has transcended clan is a cover for Isaaq domination. The western regions of Somaliland -- the Isaaq heartland -- are overwhelmingly in favor of independence and "closing the borders" of the former British mandate; the eastern regions claimed by Somaliland -- Sool, Sanaag, which has hived off Puntland and declared itself the autonomous Makhir state, and parts of Togdheer -- have large or majority Darod populations, and are divided on union with Somaliland, with a probable majority in Sool favoring remaining with Puntland.The social interests at the root of the conflict are rendered more acute by the fact that both Somaliland and Puntland have evolved institutionally beyond the rest of post-independence Somalia and have been able to provide a degree of security to their populations absent in post-independence Somalia's central and southern regions. They both have much to lose from serious armed conflict, but they also have contradictory vital interests -- Somaliland is determined to "close the borders" and Puntland's political class fears that it will be discredited if it gives up the disputed regions. The danger that both face is that their superior political organizations will draw them into more devastating warfare than the more decentralized and fluid central and southern regions of Somalia have experienced -- political evolution has kept Somaliland and Puntland relatively quiescent toward each other; now, organization is beginning to cut the other way.At the very bottom of the present conflict is an intensity of passion at least equal to that generated by any other dispute in the Horn of Africa, where political passions run high. During its struggle for liberation from Siad Barre's dictatorship, Somalilanders suffered under a particularly brutal counter-insurgency that many Isaaq view as an attempt at clanicide, and they are determined to prevent that from happening again. Here they are similar to Israelis and most Jews, who have adopted as their credo, "Never again," and to Eritreans who resist a return to Ethiopian hegemony. Only someone unfamiliar with Somaliland's climate of opinion will discount this passion, which is Hargeisa's prime strategic asset.Puntlanders are also passionate in their desire for Darod unity and fear Isaaq domination in the contested regions, but they do not have the fear of clanicide, which deprives them of the insistency of their rivals who have made the conflict what the Israelis call an "existential" issue. Nonetheless, Puntlanders do not lack their own intense fervor, which sets the stage for confrontation rather than compromise. Now that Somaliland has moved to reverse Puntland's gains, both adversaries have been placed in positions of extreme risk.Hargeisa Makes its MoveFrom the outset of Puntland's occupation of the Sool and Sanaag regions, Somaliland has made it clear -- with consensus of its various political forces -- that it would attempt to reclaim those lost territories at the first favorable opportunity. That Hargeisa has made its move now is conditioned on a mix of factors to which both fear and fortune are attached.Hargeisa's nightmare scenario is that Puntland unites with south and central Somalia under a Darod-dominated government led by the Darod president of the T.F.G., Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who has his power base in Puntland, has served as its president and its strongman, and has fought against Somaliland. Yusuf, who is in the process of making a power play to eliminate his rivals in the T.F.G., seeks to set himself up as the power broker of a united Somalia after projected elections for a permanent government in 2009.Although Yusuf's ambitions are likely to fail, Hargeisa has watched developments to the south with concern, particularly Yusuf's success in getting Puntland's president, Mohamud Adde Muse, to agree to closer ties to the T.F.G., including the merger of Puntland's security forces with the T.F.G.'s forces. As long as Yusuf remains the major player in Somalia's politics, Puntland appears to be on track to give up its autonomy if it can make a favorable deal, leaving Hargeisa with the possibility of confronting a restored Somalia, which would have irredentist aims to match its own, on its doorstep. A united Somalia holding the Sool and Sanaag regions would shift the regional balance of power to Hargeisa's serious disadvantage, impairing its territorial claims diplomatically and foreclosing the possibility of making good on them militarily, thereby diminishing its chances for international recognition and increasing the possibility of international pressure to federate with Somalia or of an invasion from Somalia.
A united Somalia would also win the support of external actors, further isolating Somaliland. Already, the external actors, except Eritrea, back the T.F.G. and withhold recognition from Somaliland; a successful reconciliation process to the south would worsen Hargeisa's position. Ethiopia -- Somaliland's only steady partner, due to its use of Somaliland's port of Berbera, and its policy toward Somalia of divide and rule -- is also the military supporter of the T.F.G., Yusuf's ally and Puntland's partner.
Hargeisa fears, with justification, that were Addis Ababa forced to choose sides in a conflict among its allies, it would go with Somalia, leaving Somaliland isolated, vulnerable to external pressure and even more dependent on Ethiopia's good graces than it is now.To repeat, although Hargeisa's nightmare scenario is unlikely to come true -- given the fundamental rifts in the T.F.G. and growing skepticism toward it of donor powers -- it or bad-case scenarios short of it have to be taken into Hargeisa's calculations, particularly in light of Somaliland's embattled national consciousness. From the angle of fear, Hargeisa has concluded that it has to gain ground now in order to ward off possible future threats.Nonetheless, Hargeisa's apprehensions would not have been sufficient to convince it to make its move in Los Anod; there was also a conjuncture of favorable opportunities, centered on Puntland's growing military and political weakness.In attempting to secure a dominant position in the T.F.G., Yusuf has drawn on militias loyal to him from Puntland and financial contributions from the sub-state, leaving Puntland militarily vulnerable and financially impaired. At the same time, Muse's administration has faced unprecedented demands for accountability from dissidents in Puntland's parliament, mirrored by demonstrations in the streets of its political capital Garowe and its commercial capital Bossasso.
The first sign that Garowe was losing its grip on the disputed regions came at the end of July when the Sanaag region declared autonomy from Puntland and set up as the Makhir state, which pledged that it would eventually place itself directly under the authority of the T.F.G. The leaders of the autonomy movement in Sanaag explained that they had been marginalized by Garowe and that the ability of Sanaag to receive foreign assistance and investment would be improved by autonomy.At the same time, a delegation from Hargeisa visited Los Anod to discuss "development initiatives" and met with no resistance; local media reported that Puntland forces had either been redeployed to the south or had deserted due to nonpayment of wages. The Somaliland emissaries announced that henceforth they would "regularly conduct governmental affairs" in Sool. With its probe a success, Hargeisa was primed to move on the occasion of a triggering situation.
That situation arose as a consequence of Muse's attempt to consolidate his control over his administration by reshuffling his cabinet in late June. One of the casualties of the shake-up was Puntland's interior and security minister, Ahmed Abdi Habsade, whose power base is in Sool and who was unreconciled to Muse's decision. Habsade, who had been the speaker of Somaliland's parliament in the mid-1990s, before Puntland's occupation of Sool, mobilized militias loyal to him and, on September 17, they clashed with Puntland forces outside Los Anod.Through the second half of September and first half of October, armed conflict continued sporadically with both sides claiming control of Los Anod and Somaliland forces deploying close to the town. On October 12, Habsade, who had said that he was not behind the insurgency, but had admitted that forces from his sub-clan were involved in it, formally allied himself with Hargeisa. On October 15, Somaliland forces took control of Los Anod, as Puntland forces retreated to Garowe. With Somaliland forces pushing to 40 kilometers (25 miles) from Garowe, Somaliland's defense minister, Abdullahi Ali Ibrahim, threatened to move on Bossasso if Puntland launched a counter-attack. Garowe appealed for international help, but received no response. Hargeisa had won the first round, as Garowe attempted to mobilize forces and push back.Beyond the personal and narrow sub-clan politics that gave Hargeisa its opening are the same sense of marginalization that actuated the autonomy movement in Sanaag and persistent clan differences and tensions. Although Sool's inhabitants belong predominantly to the Darod clan family, they are concentrated in the Dhulbahante and Warsangeli sub-clans, whereas Puntland's political class is dominated by the Majerteen sub-clan, creating an added dimension of marginalization. Further, within the sub-clans in Sool there are differences over loyalties to Somaliland and Puntland, allowing a foothold for Hargeisa.
It is too early to tell whether or not Hargeisa's victory will be permanent. Following Garowe's retreat, pro-Puntland demonstrations and riots broke out, leading Hargeisa to remain on the outskirts of Los Anod and to leave the local militias allied to it to police the town. Mass demonstrations against Hargeisa's occupation also took place in Puntland. On October 26, Somaliland forces made their first entry into Los Anod in order to clear road blocks and were met by a riot in which four people were wounded by response fire and a Somaliland soldier was run over by a truck in a disorderly retreat. Somaliland's rural development minister, Fuad Adan Adde, admitted that an "uprising" was underway in Los Anod and that he was unable to drive through the town.
Approximately 20,000 residents were reported to have fled Los Anod and its environs for Puntland, creating a humanitarian crisis.Although it is far from certain that Hargeisa will be able to hold on to Sool, it has not faced international opposition to its takeover of the region, and Puntland has yet to mount a counter-offensive. For the moment, Hargeisa has placed Garowe at a disadvantage, but the former has been plunged into the maelstrom of clan fragmentation that is familiar in south and central Somalia.Conclusion: A Pyrrhic Victory?Having won the first round of its struggle to "close" its original post-independence borders, Somaliland faces more rounds to come. It is possible that Garowe will be able to marshal sufficient Darod sentiment to mount a counter-offensive, which, if successful, would place Hargeisa in a much weaker position than before its intervention. Any hopes for international recognition would fade, Hargeisa would be thrown into even greater dependency on a fickle Addis Ababa, and Somaliland's political class might suffer a crisis of confidence.
If Hargeisa succeeds in holding on to its gains, it still faces the problem of dealing with the Makhir state in Sanaag, which has pledged to join a united Somalia; PINR has found no evidence of unrest in Sanaag that would provide Hargeisa with an opening there. Indeed, Sanaag offers a possible model for Sool, where an autonomy movement might form. More importantly, Hargeisa faces the chronic problem of isolation. International and regional actors continue to back the T.F.G. and, on October 29, Yusuf won his power play against the T.F.G.'s prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, when the latter resigned his post after consultations in Addis Ababa. Ethiopia is now likely to move even closer to Yusuf and, in consequence, to Puntland.Addis Ababa is currently over-strained and on the defensive as it struggles against a mounting insurgency and popular resistance against its occupation of Mogadishu and central Somalia, and a growing insurgency in its Somalia Regional State (S.R.S.) that has led to charges against it of human rights violations; and faces increasing tensions with Eritrea over their disputed border. Somaliland is low on the list of Addis Ababa's priorities.
Hargeisa has reportedly tried to win Addis Ababa's favor by rendering suspected rebels from the S.R.S. to the latter, but that has occasioned internal dissent and tarnishes the democratic image that Hargeisa tries to present to the world.A sign of Hargeisa's worsening relations with Addis Ababa came in the second week of October, when Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, invited Muse and Somaliland's president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, to Addis Ababa in an attempt to mediate the conflict over Sool. Muse accepted the invitation with alacrity, but Riyale dragged his feet and eventually sent Somaliland's foreign minister, Abdullahi Mohamed Duale, in his place. The mediation efforts reportedly ended in failure, with Duale walking out. Duale later told the BBC that his trip to Addis Ababa had "nothing to do with our conflict in Puntland," and that he had "never met" with Muse there. On October 16, Hargeisa announced that it would not engage in "fresh talks" with Garowe.Isolation has been and continues to be Somaliland's preeminent problem and breaking out of isolation its vital interest. It is quite possible, in those terms, that it has won a pyrrhic victory in Sool.Hargeisa now faces the challenge of reconciling Sool's divided population to its authority, the possibility of a counter-offensive from Puntland, dealing with the Makhir state in Sanaag, enduring continued international and regional non-recognition, and an Ethiopian tilt toward Puntland through its alliance with Yusuf. In the meantime, Hargeisa's intervention and the resistance to it have damaged its peaceful and democratic image.More than anything else, Somaliland needs allies, but it is difficult to imagine where they would come from.
In mid-October, Hargeisa sent out feelers to the Arab states, which desire to contain Ethiopia, requesting that they open diplomatic offices in Somaliland as a stepping stone to recognition by the African Union and United Nations. Thus far, the initiative has not borne fruit, but it shows a direction that Hargeisa is likely to try to take.Were Hargeisa to succeed in realigning itself, which is currently a slim possibility, the balance of power would shift slightly against Ethiopia and deprive it of leverage over Hargeisa. Such an eventuality would further complicate the conflicts in the Horn of Africa by introducing a wild card.At the remotest edge of possibility, a tilt by Hargeisa away from Addis Ababa and toward the Arab states would lead to its joining with Eritrea in the anti-Ethiopian bloc and increasing its chronic tensions with Djibouti that center on rivalry for trade conducted through their respective ports. That would bring Hargeisa into conflict with the Western donor powers, which support Djibouti -- Washington and Paris have military bases there -- and have chosen Ethiopia over Eritrea. PINR projects this unlikely scenario only to highlight Somaliland's growing isolation. It does not reflect Hargeisa's present strategy; it is a limit case of what PINR sees as Hargeisa's underlying desperation.
Somaliland is not about to lose its independence to a unified Somalia that remains a dream, nor is Ethiopia likely to abandon it entirely. Indeed, some local analysts believe that with Gedi gone, Addis Ababa will try to distance itself from Yusuf by making an alliance with Hawiye factions -- as it has done in the past -- and move closer to Hargeisa as a consequence. PINR judges that such a shift is less likely than continued support for Yusuf.The change that has occurred through Somaliland's capture of Los Anod is that it has been drawn into Somalia's fragmented conflicts and is now vulnerable to suffering internal destabilization if its policies fail. Those policies are thoroughly intelligible in light of Hargeisa's perceived interests and its isolation -- just as are Eritrea's and Israel's -- but they are fraught with danger. It remains to be seen whether Somalilanders have the resilience necessary to overcome the stresses of embattled isolation.
Report Drafted By:Dr. Michael A. Weinstein
The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an independent organization that utilizes open source intelligence to provide conflict analysis services in the context of international relations. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the written permission of enquiries@pinr.com. PINR reprints do not qualify under Fair-Use Statute Section 107 of the Copyright Act. All comments should be directed to comments@pinr.com.
Source: PINR
Wednesday, October 31, 2007
Tacsi: Ahmed Gurey Nur - tacsi ka timi reer Cali Khayre ay u dirayaan Qaraabadii Ahmed Gurey
Aabo Cali Khayre iyo Hooyo Xabibo Xadi
1. nimco cali khayre
2. ruun cali khayre
3. maxamed cali khayre
4. umayma cali khayre
5. muxiyadin cali khayre
6. caasha cali khayre
7. muxibo cali khayre
8. hasan cali khayre
9. idil cali khayre
10. huseen cali khayre
11. hodan cali khayre
12. abdi qani maxamed abdilahi (abu walad)
dhaaman dadkasi waxay tacsi u dirayan ehaladi iyo qarabadi u ka geriyoday marxuun ahmed guray nuur oo ku geriyoday magalada borama waxay dhaaman dadkasi ilahay ugu bar yayan inu samir iyo iman ka siiyo dadki uka tagay isagana ilahay waxay uga baryayan inu raxariso jano siiyo...Aamiin Aamin
Meles Zenawi in Somalia = Saddam Hussein in Kuweit - Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
Zenawi’s Plan for Somalia: Hallucinations of the Neo-Nazi Amhara / Tigray butchers of Africa
Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
According to an illuminating reportage published earlier today in the Somali portal Wardheer News by the Abyssinian journalist Tamrat Nega
(http://www.wardheernews.com/articles_07/october/28_Two_State_solution_Nega.html), who quotes a personal advisor to the Abyssinian dictator Meles Zenawi, Africa’s most appalling and bloodthirsty tyrant is portrayed as fully involved in the inner politics of neighboring Somalia.
Meles Zenawi in Somalia = Saddam Hussein in Kuweit
The extraordinary attitude of Africa’s Saddam Hussein is identical to that of the late Iraqi dictator, who invaded tiny Kuweit only to be driven out by the Americans in the First Gulf War.
In the same way the Mesopotamian butcher considered Kuwait as his own province, Meles Zenawi finds himself well positioned to decide about the future of the partly invaded Somalia.
The only difference between the two acts is America’s position against Saddam Hussein in the case of Kuwait, and in favour of Meles Zenawi in the case of the Horn of Africa, which underscores how erroneous the latest decision has been.
In the aforementioned reportage, Tamrat Nega quotes "a source with intimate knowledge about the affairs of the hilltop palace of Meles Zenawi" in order to publish an outline of the Abyssinian tyrant’s illegal and inhuman involvement plan in Somalia that caused already more than a million of refugees. Tyrant Zenawi’s latest plan seems to be the result of great anxiety about the eventual collapse and disintegration of Abyssinia.
As regards the source that disclosed dictator Zenawi’s plan, Tamrat Nega keeps it under the veil of anonymity, stating that the source " is not willing to be quoted (by name) due to the sensitivity of the issue".
The title of Tamrat Nega’s article is very indicative: "Meles Proposes a Two-State Solution for Somalia". In the present article, we intend to enunciate a preliminary commentary on the Abyssinian tyrant’s monstrous and racist, anti-Somali plan.
A Committee to Prevent the Forthcoming Death of ‘Ethiopia’
According to the aforementioned reportage, earlier this year, tyrant Zenawi tasked a committee of Amhara and Tigray monitors of Somali affairs with a study, a strategic analysis, and a menu of options as regards the Abyssinian “national interests” and the way they would be better served in Somalia.
Of course, using the term “national interests” for a colonial dictatorial state like the Abyssinian obsolete and nonfunctional caricature is rather a figure of speech; in real terms what is meant through this expression is the combined, lawless interests of the Monophysitic Christian (heretic) populations of the Amhara and Tigray tribes that consist in a most racist and barbaric minority within the colonial caricature of Abyssinia.
In fact, all governments and diplomats, military and educational elites of the Abyssinian tribes express and serve their own tribal interests that are in straight and severe contradiction with those of the overwhelming majority of the country; we cannot therefore truly but only conventionally talk of “national interests”.
The African Dr. Jekyll Alemu Tekede, and the Dark Future of Abyssinia
As a matter of fact, the committee was chaired by one of the Zenawi regime’s most horrendous and criminal butchers, the notorious African Dr. Jekyll, Alemu Tekede, the guiding mind of all the misfortunes and injustices, crimes and felonies perpetrated in Somalia over the past decade. This multi-denounced and multi-repudiated individual has the position of minister of state for foreign affairs, which obliges him to travel constantly to Somaliland in order to dictate further policies to the pathetic lackeys of Hargeysa.
The aforementioned committee comprised senior officials of the ruling EPRDF, the tribal gang organization supporting dictator Zenawi, several military generals and security and intelligence officers (all exclusively Monophysitic Christian Amhara and/or Tigray).
Last August, in the aftermath of five months of consultations and deliberations, the committee “submitted to Meles a well-thought-out “red” dossier containing confidential policy proposals in last August”. They devised ways Abyssinia would overcome the geographical constrains of a landlocked country, as Abyssinia turned out to be in 1991, when Eritrea seceded.
They enumerated several pending threats for the country, involving
a) “the possibility of landlocked Ethiopia becoming “sandwiched” between two hostile countries, i.e. Eritrea in the north and Somalia in the south”,
b) “Ethiopia’s vulnerability to gruesome civil-war”,
c) “Ethiopian disintegration (if the current Ethiopian efforts in Somalia fail and the country fall back to the hand of ousted Islamic forces)”, and
d) the “possibility of Ethiopian Muslims becoming influenced or radicalized by Somalia’s Islamists which could ultimately ignite a devastating religious
war in the country”. The Recommendations of the Neo-Nazi butchers of Africa
To avert the aforementioned dangers, the committee recommended the following:
1. ”A two-state solution for Somalia along the pre-independence colonial boundaries. The committee suggested the Ethiopian government play a lead role in advocating for the international recognition of the breakaway republic of Somaliland”.
2. “Southern Somalia (former Italian Somaliland) to be divided into four federal regions in line with ethnic based Ethiopian federal system, namely, Puntland, Hawiyeland, Jubbaland and Rahanweinland”.
3. The Somali region of Ethiopia to be “isolated” from the rest of Somalia, and limit to the extent possible commercial and traffic links between the Somali region and Somalia.
An Analysis
The first point targets the National Unity of an Independent and Sovereign Nation that the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian racists always coveted.
The historical hatred of the Abyssinians is due to their vast and unhealed complex of inferiority in front of the Somalis.
Compared to Somalia, Abyssinia has
1. A shorter, poorer, and lower historical record
2. A less significant contribution to the History of the Mankind
3. A definitely lower and more limited culture and education
4. A mean and miserable socio-behavioural system, due to the fact that most of the Somalis
have been more exposed to communications with India, Indonesia, Persia, Yemen and the Arabic peninsula, the Red Sea world, Sudan and Egypt. All this is summarized in the epigrammatic identification of the Somalis with a mundane and cosmopolitan character and the association of the Abyssinians with an isolated, raw, mountainous and barbaric ‘personality’.
5. A bitter, historical defeat at the hands of the Somalis that, as a non-assessed and non-accepted reality, intensifies the barbaric instincts of the Amharas and the Tigrays, who throughout the modern times never underwent any socio-cultural change readjustment.
6. A total lack of National Unity within its present – false – borders. On the contrary, Somalia features a supreme potentiality for National Unity, including even a province of Abyssinia (Ogaden). In fact, Abyssinia was never a nation, as the oppressed and tyrannized peoples never accepted the slightest trace of the abyssianization racist programs that tyrannically the Abyssinian dictators imposed on them.
Thus, whereas the Somalis make an entire nation with one Cultural, National Heritage, the Abyssinians, despite decades of terror exercised against the Oromos, the Ogadenis, the Sidamas, the Afars, the Anuak, the Agaw, the Kaffas, the Shekachos, the Wolayitas and others, never became a nation, being even gravely divided among themselves into Amharas and Tigrays.
7. Quasi-absolute lack of natural resources. Contrarily, the Somali natural resources are far more significant than what can be possibly found in the soil and the arid mountains of the Amhara and Tigray provinces. It is essential to bear in mind that all rich natural resources of Abyssinia are located in occupied territories of the subjugated nations.
Revengeful, uneducated Abyssinians fighting chimeras
To better assess the Abyssinian policy making dynamics, it is of seminal importance to understand the aberrations contained in the undeveloped and self-belittled minds of the Abyssinians, who tried ceaselessly in the 19th and the 20th centuries to take revenge for an event that occurred before almost 500 years, namely the Somali invasion and occupation of Abyssinia. By itself this highlights the racist and chauvinist attitude pursued by the Abyssinian religious, political, educational, military, and diplomatic class, which imperatively imposes an in-depth research, and the subsequent international denunciation and castigation of the Abyssinian policies.
Abyssinia against Somaliland’s international recognition
The first point illuminates a well hidden reality that all the Somalis of the Somaliland have to learn: Abyssinia, fallaciously renamed Ethiopia, promised a lot to Somaliland over the past 16 years, particularly in terms of international recognition. Yet, this reportage clearly indicates through the lines that Abyssinia never deployed the slightest effort for Somaliland’s international recognition thus far. This is only normal; as the Abyssinian tyrannical regime want to have Somaliland at their mercy, they have good reason to avert a perspective that would enable Somaliland get disentangled from the Abyssinian ruse and trap.
Peace in the Horn of Africa: after the elimination of the Abyssinian hyena
The second point expands the Abyssinian ‘divide et impera’ approach in the Somali South; it is therefore an even clearer proof of Abyssinia’s commitment and dedication to the appalling genocide that has been taking place in Somalia over the past 16 years. It demonstrates that peace and security in the Horn of Africa region will return only when the UN isolate and severely punish the Abyssinian hyena of nations and innocent peoples. It becomes apparent that what the inhuman monsters of Abyssinia intend to apply in the Somali South is what the already did in Ogaden, Oromia, Sidama Land, Afar Land, Kaffa Land and other territories and countries that they invaded in the past, subjugating the indigenous peoples.
Abyssinian intentions to perpetrate a genocide in Ogaden
The third point bears witness to the Abyssinian inhuman but adamant will to perpetrate in Ogaden the already started genocide; this point automatically cancels all the unbalanced approaches and suggestions of US Assistant Secretary Jendayi Fraser, who irresponsibly, immorally, and inhumanely said that Ogaden is an “internal affair” of Abyssinia.
The fabrication of the ‘Coptic Republic of Ethiopia’
All three points corroborate our earlier analyses about a criminally secretive and cruelly inhuman plan geared to produce a huge dictatorial circumference of butchery from the Egyptian border until Kenya that would be called ‘Coptic Republic of Ethiopia’; the same method suggested by Meles Zenawi’s disreputable committee for Somalia will be later proposed for Sudan, and then the prefabricated butchery of all the non Abyssinian nations of Eastern Africa will start.
That is why we will dedicate more articles to further analyze the subject, examining references to a possible collaboration of the political elite of Somaliland with the Abyssinian Zenawi regime of gangsters.
If this is correct, then all the Somalis of the non recognized state of Somaliland will have to join the Ogadenis and the other Somalis in an overwhelming revolution that will eradicate the Amhara – Tigray pestilence from all the still occupied countries and territories.
In case the Somaliland’s regime collaborated with the gangsters of dictator Zenawi, it becomes clear that it loses the last traces of legitimacy, becoming a burden for the northern Somalis – a burden that must be removed irrevocably.
Source: American Chronicle
Tacsi: Ahmed Gurey Nur - Alla ha' u naxariisto
Bahda Saylici iyo dhamaan asxaabtoodu waxay tacsi u dirayaan eheladii iyo qaraabadii uu ka baxay marxuun axmed gurey nuur - alla ha' u naxariisto qaraabadiisiina samir iyo iimaan alla haka siiyo...aamiin
Mukhtar Cige Amin
Abdiwahab Cilmi Boqore
Cabdikarim Dahir Bile
Geesh Qasim
C/rahman Xaaji
Mahamed Adan
Ahmed Ibrahim Cateeye (Qabyo)
Yassin Mayraneh Geele
Mahamed Muse Kaahiye
Cali Kahiye Kaahin
Faalo: Qurba jooga Reer Awdal saamayn intee leeg ayay ku leeyihiin waxa qabadka gobalka? S. Suxufi
faalo wariye sakariye suxufi
marka hore waxaa mahad balaadhan iska leh Ilaahay ina siiyaya nicmooyin faro badan oo ay ugu horayso in uu inaga dhigay bulsho muslin ah oo leh dhaqan iyo xadaarad soo jireen ah oo ay inooga tageen awawyaasheen umada walba marka ay samaynasyo horamar waxaa laga eegaa dhinca bulshadeeda taas ayaana ka soo dheegan karnaa horamarka mustaqbalkeeda sida uu ahaan doono ,
bulshada reer awdal oo ah umada ka dhisan dhicana waxbarshada. kuna amaanan inay wax ka qabtaan baahiyaha ka jira gobalka haba yaradaan hadab intaan u goda galin faalanada aan u ugu magac daray “qurba jooga reer awdal saamayn intee leeg ayay ku leeyihiin waxqabka gobalka” ayaan indhaha laga qarsan Karin ama qoraalkan laga reebi Karin wax qabka taariikh galka ah ee ay bulshada reer awdal ku soo kordhiyeen nimanka ixtiraamka badan u hayo ee isku hawla inay la socdsiiyaan bulshada reer awdal ee ku kula baahsan daafaha aduunyada in ay u soo gudbiyaan dhacdooyinka ku cusub gobalka iyo dalka waxa ku soo kardhay ragaas aan sheegayo waxaa weeyi nimanka tafaftirayaasha ka ah 6da wabsaad ee kale ah lughaya .com harowo.com boramanews.com awdalnews.com saylac.com iyo sayliciperss. akhisrte waxaad ogtahay ama aad la socotaa in ragaasi ay wax dhaqaale ku hayn warbaahintaas ee ay ka tahay hor ilaahay iyo iyagoo jecel in ay ka habaq tiraan wararka gobalka iyo ka dalka dadka ku nool qurbaha taasna waxaan ku leeyahay Aaleh xasnaad iyo khary ha idiinku badlo waxqabadkiina.akhriste aan daboolka ka qaado faalada.
waxa jira in wixii ka dambeeyay burburkii ka dhacay dalka uu saamayn xoog ah ku yeeshay nolashii bulshada soomaaliyeed kaaga dareenee waxaa kala haajiray hooyooyin iyo caruur ay dhaleen oo mudo aan is arag oo ku kale maqan qurbaha taasna waxaa u dheer in caruurta soomaaliyeed qaar kood aanan arag dalkooda hooyo taasina waxay saamayn ku yeelatay dhiigooga .markay nolashii dadku adkaatay waxaa dhacaday in bulshadu la timi firkir ah in ay wax ka badalaan habkii ay u mari la haayeeen inay helaan nolal dhaanta tan ay ku nool yihiin ayaa waxaa dhacday in bulsho badan oo reer awdal ah ay u haajiraan qurbaha tagidaa ay tageen qurbaha waxay u sahashay in ay dadkii ay kaga tageen dalka ay ka kabaan dhinaca dhaqaalaha taasna waa caadadii iyo dhaqankii lugu yaqaanay bulshada reer awdal in kastoo ay dumarku u badan yihiin dhican soo dirida biilasha taasna waxaad ku ogaan kartaa hadii aad tagto goobaha laga soo diro lacagta waxaad arkaysaa in 80% ay yihiin haweeen hase ahaatee way jiraan rag badna oo soo dir biilasha laakin dumarka ayaa kaga firficoon dhinca soo dirida biilasha.marka la eego bulshada reer awdal waxay gobalka soo galiyaan dhaqaale badan marka loo eego bishii inta ay soo diraan waxaa lugu qiyaasi karaa boqolaal kun oo doolar taasna waxan ku sameeyay dabagal.
dhanka kale magaalada boorama waxaa ku soo kordhay 10kii sano ee u dambeeyay dhismayaal qurxoon oo aad ka daalacan karto marka aad maraysid wadooyinka magaalada waxaana qurbo jooga reer awdal hadii ay dhismayaasha isdan ku sii wadaan waxay magaaladu isku badali doontaa sida caasimadaha caalamka taasina waxaan sugaynaa xilgeeda. hadaba marka laga tago biilasha ay soo diraan qurbo jooga reer awdal iyo daaraha quruxda badan ee magaalada ku soo kordhay in aanu jawaab u helno su’aasha ah. maxaa ka hortaagan qurba jooga reer awdal in ay maalgashi ku sameeyaan gobalka oo ay keenaan warshado? iyagoo wada socad ama shaqsi shaqsi ah waxaa jira oo aan
halka hoose ku sharxi doonaan dhawr muwaadin oo magaalada maalgashi ku samaytay hase ahaatee waxaan su’asha kor kusoo sheegay u dhaafayaa dhaamaan bulshada reer awdal ee ku nool qurbaha . waan ogahay ama aan ka warqaan inay wadaan lacag qaadhaan ah oo ay ku samaynayaan qurba jooga reer awdal garoonka biroole ee inta badan dayaco ku muuqday taasna waxaan leeyahay hambalyo halkaasna ka sii wada dadaalkiina laakin qurbe jooge agsoonaw goobo badan oo ka mid ah gobalka oo ay ka muuqaat in wax laga qabto sida tigada saylac , madaarka borama (Aadan isaaq) iyo meelo badan oo halkan ku soo koobi Karin.
bilihii u dambeeyay waxaa jray in abaabul xoogan wadeen ganacsatada magaaladu oo ku wajahan sidii wax looga qaban lahaa baahida ka jirta xaga laamayada sida ay ii sheegeen dad ku dhaw dhaw ganacsatadad gobalka arinta laamayadu meel fiican ayay u maraysaa hase ahaatee waxay u baahan yihiin caawin weyn oo ah in wax lala qabto wali may dhinci in maalqabeenada reer awdal qaar kooda arintaa laamayada ah wax kaga darsan waxaa la yidhi far kaliya fool ma dhaqdo waxaanse ugu bishaaraynayaa bulshada jecel hormarka gobalka in sanadkan soo socda ee 2008ku ugu bariya doono waa cusub oo u dhasha dadka reer awdal waa hadii sidii loo ogaa wax u socdaan .Tusaale bal aan u soo qaato nin reer awdal ah oo tagay qurbaha sanadku markuu ahaa 1975kii ilaa iyo maanta oo Eebe cimrigiisa gaadhsiiyay inkastoo aan jeclayan inaan magacaabo waxa uu soo diraa maalintuu uu galay qurbaha ilaa iyo maanta bishii lagaca dhan 400$ bal xisaabi inta ay noqonayso maanta waa malaayiin doolar . miyaanay ka fiicnan inuu dalka uu keeno warshada yar oo dadkiisu iyo dadka kale ka helaan shaqo iyo faa’ido isna waxay u ahaan lahayd magac iyo ajar bal aan u soo daadago dadka magaalada maalgshi la taaban karo ku samaystay ee mutasaytay in lugu abaal mariyo bilad sharaf ama lugu daro buuga taariikhda inkastoo la yidhi taariikhdu iyadaa isqorta ee lama qoro.
1: Idris maxmuud sacad(idirsi cunaaye) waa muwaadin reer awdal ah oo ka damqaday baahida ay u qabto magaaladiisu in ay hesho hotel wayn oo casri ah oo la jaan qadi kara dunida hormartay waa mulkiilaha iskag leh hotel Rays waxa uu dagan yahay boqortooyada sucuudi carabiya waa muwaadinkii ugu horeeyay ee ka dhisa magaaladiisa hotel casriya oo bulsho badan oo aan arag markii ay arkeen ay la dheceen quruxiisa waa oo hotel ka kooban qaybo kale duwan ee laga heli karo adeeg hufan oo diyaar kugu yihiin dad u leh xirfad wax walba oo aad ugu baahato kuu keenaya. waxaa lugu tirayaa inuu ka mid yahay 4 hoteel ee ugu waaweyn jamhuuriyada somalilanad laakinse waxa uu kaga duwan yahay hotel Rays kuma arkaysid wax dhaqan xuma ah oo u keeni karta magac xuma tusaale ahaan marka lugu tumayo aroosayda waxaa caado ah in arooskaas ay ku kulamaan bulsho badan oo ka kooban rag iyo haween oo is dhex boodaya laakinse hotel Rays taas uu ka madhan yahay marka ay jiraan aroosku waxaa loo og layahay in ay ka qayb qataan dhawr rag ah oo kale socda labada aroos taasan waxaa luugu ogal yahay in ay ka caawiyaan waxa ay u baahan yihiin aroosku . akhriste maalqabeenka Idirs maxmuud sacad (ina cunaaye) wax uu is taa hilaa in la siiyo bilad sharaf sababtoo ah wax uu magaalada u soo kordhiyay magac iyo qurux hadab isagu faa’ido intee leega ayuu ku qabaa hotel Rays waxaan odhan karnaa inta uu ku qabo waxa ka badan inta ay ku qabaan bulshad reer awdal ha noqto inta shaqaale ee ka hawlgala hotelka. waxaa jirta in maanta borama quruxdeeda ka turjumayo hotel rays oo marka aad magaalo ku tagta dalxiis waxaa lugu dagaa hoteelada ku yaale ama ka ugu qurux badan ee soo jiidanaya bilicad magaalada alayleh ninkaa nin dheh,
2:Yaasmiin jaamac saylaci waa gabadhii ugu horaysay ee maalgashi la taaban karo ku samaysa gobalkeeda waa gabadh dagan dalka jamhooriyada jabouti iyadu waxay aragtay in gobalkeedu u baahan yahay warshad si faysa biyaha waa gabadha iska leh warshada biyaha si faysa ee lugu magacaabo Shifo shirkadaas waan garan karnaa inta shaqaale ee ka hawl gala hadii la heli lahaa shirkado sidan oo kale ugu hawl gala gobalka waxaa soo bixi lahayd shaqooyin badan oo dadku ka helaan laakin waxaan ku boorinayaa in gabadhaa lagaga daydo wax qabadkeeda alayleh gabadhaa gabadh dheh,
3:Amoud foundation waa urur ay ku bahoobeen qaar ka mid ah qurbo jooga reer awdal xaruntiisuna waxay tahay dalka maraykanka la iskama qarin karo waxtarka oo u leeyahay bulshada reer awdal gaar ahaan kuwa ku nool gobalka waxa uu hada wadaa dhakhtar weyn oo ku yaala bariga magaalada borama waxaana lugu magacaabaa cubitaal Al xayaad waa dhakhtar dabooli kar baahida bulshada reer awdal iyo kuwa ku dhaqan geeska afrika waxa kale oo Amoud foundation caawimo u fidiyaan ururka lugu magacaabo Kaalmo waxa kale oo ay dhawaan taageero dhaqaale u fidiyeen dhakhtarka borama oo ay ku deeqeen lacag aad u badan oo la odhan karo dhakhtarku baahi weyn ayuu u qabay, dhanka kale waxa uu dhakhtarka u soo iibiyaan waxyaabo badan oo uu u baahan yahay oo maanta dhex yaala dakhtarka lama soo koobi karo wax tarka uu ururkaasi ka filiyo gabalka awdal hadab qurba joogii reer awdal ma intaas ayaa ka dhex iftiimaysa mise warshado ayay soo wadaana alayleh ururkaa urur dheh,
marka aan dhawrkan shaqsi ku daray qoraalkaygan waxaan ugu jeedaa in bulshada reer awdal kaga daydaan waxa qabadkooda iyana waxay u taha dhiiro galin .
guni iyo gabagabadii waxaan ku soo gunaanadayaa maansadan yar ee aan ugu talo galay nimanka tafaftirayashay ka haw warbaahinta Awdal
Warbaahintan awdal
Waa mid aad u wanaagsawoo
Aduunkood oo dhan ku baahdayoo
Rag aqoon sare leh hoo
Tignoolajikaga yaqaanoo
Aaladaha wax diraa
Aduunkooga ku iibshoo
Intifaacan awdal ku ceeshtoo
Ilaahi I abuurayaw
udgoonaw nabiyaw(scw)
Nimankaa ishtihaaday
ifka ay ku dhargaanaw
Markay aakhiraw gaadhaan
Udgoonaw janadii
Albaabka ku beeg
Ha ku waaran abidkeed
Warbaahinta awdal
Waa mid aad u wanaagsanaw
Nimankaa ishiti haaday
Aaladaha wax diraaya
Aduunkooda ku iibin
Way abaadi lahayd
Anfacay ku qabaan
Waa mid aad u yaraw
Ilaahi I abuurayaw
Udgoonaw nabiyaw(scw)
Nimankaa ishtihaaday
Ifka ay ku dhargaan
Markay aakhiro gaadhaan
Udgoonay janadii
Albaabka ku beeg
Abidkood ha ku waaran
wariye sakariye carab cadan (suxufi)
borama
email sakariyesuxufi@hotmail.com
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
Education in Somaliland: as Racist as in fake Ethiopia?
Politics is the Art of the Effective and the Realistic; as such, it necessitates a permanent balance among various positions and interests. When politics turn to extreme, leaders, parties, countries are manipulated without their choosing, setting thus the context for their dependence.
Two new countries in the Horn of Africa region, Eritrea and Somaliland, have proven that by pulling on the string, they simply reach an impasse. Eritrea focused excessively on foreign issues, getting involved in wars against Sudan, Yemen, and Ethiopia. Because of this, Asmara jeopardized its own chances for socioeconomic and educational development.
Somaliland attributed a great part of importance to its alliance with Abyssinia; as Somaliland represents a part of the Somali territory, is inhabited by Somalis, and reflects part of the Somali National and Cultural Heritage, an alliance with Abyssinia, fallaciously re-baptized as Ethiopia, is practically impossible.
The reason is simple; you cannot become the ally of those who disrespecting your past and national heritage, hate your heroes, defame and minimize if not usurp your past, and oppress your compatriots, who happen to be involuntarily included of their territory.
Of course, even if there was not a Prehistory of Abyssinian Hatred against Somalia, even if Ogaden was not comprised within the Abyssinian territory, reasons of political and moral order would not possibly tolerate any cooperation, let alone alliance, with tyrannical, dictatorial Abyssinia, where so many tyrannized peoples have been met with Africa’s most atrocious practices and strategies of subjugation and repression.
Following the earlier publication of an article about recent, most preoccupying developments in Somalialand (Somaliland turns from Hope to Despair / http://www.buzzle.com/articles/somaliland-turns-from-hope-to-despair.html), a great number of Somalis from all parts of Somalia, Ogaden included, wrote to express solidarity, support and thanks.
In parallel, I received one – only one – mail from a Somali citizen of Somaliland, who expressed disagreement. The style of his reaction underscores the problems of Somaliland’s politics. As it is an indicative case, we find it beneficial to first publish and then comment on it. Numbers encrusted in the text refer to points of commentary.
Abdirizak Abdi, Somali citizen of Somaliland, writes:
“Sir, your hate for Ethiopia is so ugly 1 and makes you sound very petty 2. why dont you focus on Greek/Turkey problems and leave Africans alone 3. You are ignorant about the subject 4 that you are trying to talk about and you are not only making a fool out of yourself but strengthening those that you trying to work against.
I am a Somalilander and I sympathize with Meles 5 more than I do those useless Ogadenis 6. We have not forgotten the days of Siyyad Barre when we welcomed their refugees to Hargeisa and fought their war against Ethiopia only for them to turn around and kill us at the order of their Kin Siyyad Barre.
Learn the real history of somalia before uttering your emotional and biased nonesense that is shamelessly anti Ethiopia 7.
Long live Somaliland 8 ...:Long Live Etthiopia!!” 9
1. I don’t think anyone can find in my texts anything but rejection of the totalitarian practices by the Abyssinian barbaric and dictatorial rulers; this cannot be called ‘Hatred’. On the contrary, ‘hatred’ has been mostly and predominantly the basic characteristic of the Abyssinian invading armies and occupying forces; it was an unbelievable hatred mercilessly expressed by the cruel, perfidious and inhuman Amharas against the Oromos, the Afars, the Ogadenis, the Kaffa, the Shekachos, the Agaw, the Sidama, the Anuak, the Wolayita, the Kambatta, and others.
The question is this:
- Are the principles of Justice, Equity and Fairness basic elements of the educational system in Somaliland? Or contrarily to the hopes of the civilized world, has the non recognized country set the basis of its educational system on partiality, bias, and the sick Amhara egotism?
What monstrous state can a country be, if its citizens – like Abdirizak Abdi – are concerned with the supposed hatred expressed by just one person, and at the same time they disregard, avoid criticizing, and wholeheartedly accept the methodic, systematic, and massive Hatred of the Abyssinian hyenas that for more than 100 years ruined the lives and the culture of so many tyrannized peoples?
What monsters does Somaliland produce, and what is in this regard the responsibility of the indigenous minister of Education? On what grounds does Somaliland ask international recognition when such cantankerous and immoral graduates are prone to partiality and biased predisposition? How can characteristics like this unashamedly become part of the education Somalis get in Somaliland, in straight opposition to the Noble Somali traditions of Fairness and Benignity?
2. And how does a citizen of Somaliland sound, when behaving as a squalid slave of his own Heritage’s worst enemy?
3. ‘Leave the Africans alone’ sounds like ‘Leave the Europeans alone’ said to Americans and Soviets at the times of WW II! It also sounds like ‘let the Hutus kill the Tutsis’; how convincing!
Again, the perversity and the viciousness of Abdirizak Abdi’s mind is shown in this: he dares suggest to me to ‘leave the Africans alone’, whereas he did not say earlier the same to Richard Pankhurst, the ridiculous bogus-professor and ignorant pseudo-scholar, the most appalling falsifier of the Eastern African History! If fairness and not distortion prevailed in his mind, he would have asked the colonial relic of Pankhurst to get lost out of Africa.
4. When two years ago, I published four articles about the Historicity of Somaliland and the Other Berberia, the oligarchic state that existed on the same soil before 2000 years (Somaliland's historicity and the Periplus of the Red Sea / http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/8-20-2005-75188.asp - Somaliland – 'The Other Berberia' according to ‘the Periplus of the Red Sea’ / http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/8-23-2005-75321.asp – Malao - Berbera as possible Capital of 'The Other Berberia' (Ancient Somaliland) / http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/8-28-2005-75652.asp – The Eastern Coast of 'The Other Berberia' (Ancient Somaliland) according to the ‘Periplus of the Red Sea’ / http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/9-17-2005-77004.asp), I was knowledgeable; but because the uneducated slave of Somaliland thinks so, I now become “ignorant”! How pathetically idiotic!
However, the likes of the slave Abdirizak Abdi lost the opportunity to understand that the analysis of the historical texts pertaining to the Other Berberia helps only prove that the minuscule and insignificant Abyssinian kingdom of Axum did not control areas beyond Avalites (today’s Assab), damaging therefore the credibility of pseudo-scholars like Pankhurst and the Amhara – Tigray cannibals of the Abyssinian pseudo-universities who shamelessly assert execrable lies that suit the expansionist needs of their tyranny.
5. I don’t believe that any other except a Neo-Nazi could compose a sentence like that for the bloodthirsty, most criminal, and most inhuman dictator of Africa. That is why it is necessary to conduct an investigation in the Primary and Secondary of that unrecognized country in order to clarify whether under the coverage of the non recognition, Somaliland promotes similar type of Neo-Nazi, racist education as the Amhara – Tigray led tyranny of Abyssinia.
6. “Useless Ogadenis”: typical racist vocabulary, involving “useless Jews”, Untermenschen, “Gallas”, “insects” and the entire inventory compiled by the racist Amharas, Africa’s alien and barbaric element.
7. Ethiopia is the Ancient Greek name for the kingdom of Kush, in the immediate South of the Egypt, in the area of today’s Sudan. The modern tyranny of Abyssinia has absolutely no right to the fair name of Ethiopia; so I am not anti-Ethiopian, and I am not even anti-Abyssinian. If the Neo-Nazi elite of a barbaric realm like that of the Amharas and the Tigrays propagates historical falsehood, it is my right, as Historian, to denounce the falsehood and to state the correct.
8. With many people like Abdirizak Abdi, Somaliland will soon cease to exist.
9. The end of fake – Ethiopia started already; in Ogaden. And this is full ‘proof’ that the Ogadenis are not ‘useless’ as the uneducated, Neo-Nazi Abdirizak Abdi ridiculously assumes.
In a forthcoming article, we will address the case of Somaliland’s education in its entirety.
Note
Picture: Berbera - The main harbour of Somaliland; as long as Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians massacre the Ogadenis, Abyssinians have no place in this harbour.
Source: American Chronicle - First published Oct. 28, 2007
Somaliland introduces displaced support tax
The government of Somaliland has announced the introduction of a 2% tax increase so as to raise funds for the displaced Somaliland citizens in the country’s Sool region.
Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin decreed that supporting the displaced citizens of Las Anod town is the responsibility of the government and Somaliland people. Las Anod is a border town that has been occupied by the semi-independent Somali region of Puntland for years.
Puntland occupies most of the Sool and Sanaag provinces of Somaliland Somaliland has been described as a country with one of the most unfair tax systems in Africa. Operating on a regressive system, Somaliland proportionately levies higher taxes on the poor.
Besides, the goods consumed by the poor [which are easily taxed] attract higher taxes in Somaliland. In that, people who spend more than 90% of their income on food become victims of highest tax burden. On the contrary, goods [luxury] and services used by Somaliland’s wealthy families are either exempted from being taxes or attract little tax.
Somaliland’s tax structure is also said to be “inefficient and expensive to administer” as huge amounts of the collected taxes meet the administrative cost. Apart from collecting taxes in an arbitrary and non-accountable manner, large amounts of Somaliland’s taxes find themselves into the pockets of tax collectors and corrupt government officials.
By staff writer
Source: afrol News
